Pointed Questions

Gleaner contributor Gordon Robinson, Attorney-at-Law in a column of August 29, 2010 purporting to outline the sequence of events in the Dudus Extradition affair, made some interesting inferences and asked a number of pointed questions.

Given the details of the statement filed by the former Senator Ronald Robinson to the COE, the following becomes extremely pertinent.

November 20, 2009: MPP has a second meeting with Bisa Williams, a US State Department director. On that same day, according to the May 11 statement of the prime minister:

"Dr Ronald Robinson, minister of state in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and (JLP) deputy general secretary, ... was invited by Mr Brady to attend a meeting at the State Department but declined ... . He did attend an informal meeting between Mr Brady and a representative of [MPP] ... to discuss the matters in relation to which the firm had been retained."

The inference from Driva's statement is that Brady was at that State Department meeting. If so, why? In what capacity? Did he obtain national security clearance? On what authority was he inviting Mr Robinson to attend? On what authority did Mr Robinson entertain the invitation so much so that, although he declined, he attended what could only have been a subsequent debriefing meeting with MPP and Brady? ......................

If these were innocent meetings, why has Robinson resigned? Why was MPP secretly briefing the GOJ's junior foreign affairs minister after the fact if MPP thought all along that it represented GOJ? Why was Robinson wary of being seen with Brady/MPP at the State Department meeting? Two plus two always equals four.

This happened in November 2009. Why was nothing done to reprimand Robinson until the matter became public? The foreign affairs minister has admitted that Robinson was not, at the time, on any sort of leave known to Government service. He was officially on duty as junior foreign affairs minister. But for the evidence of the cautious wording of the October 1 letter, it's easy to understand how MPP themselves might have been deceived into believing that they were working for GOJ. How many more public officials willingly participated in this JLP plot, sanctioned by the JLP Leader, to deceive the US government (and maybe MPP) that it was engaged in government-to-government talks?

One is left to wonder about the silence hitherto concerning the Vale Royal meetings held between the Prime Minister, Harold Brady and Ronald Robinson. According to Robinson, the first one involved the Prime Minister giving instructions to both Brady and himself and specifically about the briefing of the MPP lawyers of Jamaica's position. On the return of Brady and Robinson, the PM was briefed was briefed as to the outcome of his sanctioned mission.

The unavoidable question:

Why then and there did the Prime Minister not issue instructions to terminate the involvement of MPP?

The answer:

To do so would have obviated the need to have briefed them in the first place.

That presence statement is vital, to wit:
“The HPM,” said Robinson, using the acronym for the title Honourable Prime Minister, “instructed me to go to Washington to meet with the principals of MPP to brief them. My presence would also give some credence and strength to Mr Brady’s involvement.”[emphasis added].

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Lies, Damn Lies and Dunce Lies

A full statement has been released by Samuda on his findings re the Manatt, Phelps & Phillips Engagement by Brady and Co.

The nine point statement raises a number of questions.

Point one: Who are those "persons within the JLP" who approached Mr. Brady? If there was a treaty dispute between the US and Jamaica why is the JLP interfering in such?

Point two: What is Brady's vast experience in international law and politics ? Is there no one else in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in possession of such skills? Why not appoint Harold Brady Consultant to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs?

Point three: Why is Mr. Brady's firm retaining the services of Manatt, Phelps & Phillips to have discussions with relevant officials of the US government, in which the GOJ has no interest?

Point four: If the meeting between the Solicitor General and officials of the State and Justice Departments was arranged by the Min of Foreign Affairs and the US Embassy of Jamaica, on what basis would the Solicitor General seek to include an "observer" a couple hours before its commencement.

Point five: Who are the members of the team that accompanied the Solicitor General to that meeting? On what basis was the Solicitor General discussing with Manatt, Phelps & Phillips alternative approaches that have to be taken in similar treaty disputes with the US? Solicitor General Leys indicated that the meeting was arranged by Brady and was mainly introductory. This does not square with Samuda's findings.

Point six:  How did the Solicitor General obtain "the full approval of the State Department" to have a representative of Manatt, Phelps & Phillips attend the meeting as an "observer".

Point seven: If Samuda's findings are true then the Solicitor General is duty bound to tender his resignation by his acceptance of the suggestion by a firm: with which he had had no previous contact, did not inform him that they had already been retained by Brady & Co. and without more he invited them to "observe" discussions between the GOJ and officials of the government of the United States.

Point eight:  What is a brief social encounter? How does one arrange such with a representative of Manatt, Phelps & Phillips? In what capacity was Harold Brady acting when he issued an invitation to the Minister of State in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade to attend a meeting at the State Department? Who attended that meeting? Is it mere coincidence that Dr. Ronald Robinson and Harold Brady were in Washington at the same time, similar to the chance meeting of Brady and Leys?

Point nine: Have "persons within the JLP" entered into any contractual arrangement with Manatt, Phelps and Phillips? Have "persons within the JLP" facilitated the payments of submitted invoices?

So persons within the JLP decided to assist the JLP government.  This apparently was done without the knowledge of members of the JLP who are also members of the cabinet.  What exactly was the interest of the JLP in this matter? Furthermore Manatt, Phelps and Phillips would have provided written reports of its meetings and positions reached with officials of the US state and justice departments. These would have been provided to Brady and Co. for the benefit of "persons within the JLP". Did those reports reach cabinet members within the JLP? 

So Bruce Golding was not informed of such dealings in his capacity of Prime Minister of Jamaica. Was he so informed in his capacity as leader of the Jamaica Labour Party? Why has it taken so long for members of the hierarchy of the JLP to admit that this initiative was conceived and hatched within the JLP?

And the cow jumped over the moon.

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Credit Run Out

Source: Jamaica Observer 5.4.2010

US President William "Bill" Clinton in dealing with the Monica Lewinsky Affair stared right into the TV cameras, maintained eye contact and adopted the seriousness of a judge and said:

 "I did not have sexual relations with that woman."

We are yet to see any evidence of anyone who was willing to admit, either privately or publicly, that they had believed that statement.  

Jamaica is never far behind. We have our own President (of the Employer's Federation), another W.C. making this statement concerning the Chen Affair:

"I did not ask for an intervention and have no information that suggests that the Jamaican government has done so."  

We have not done a survey to assess the extent of the credibility of this statement.  However, some nagging questions refuse to go away.

• How were the details of Chen's visa revocation and subsequent actions by him and others on his behalf "leaked" to the media?
• Who was that impostor on TV giving "information" but not "seeking intervention"?
• If one makes a call to the fire department informing them of a raging fire, is that not also seeking an intervention?

Latest media reports are that Chen is still waiting for an official reply to this re-application for a US visa. 

Then we have no less a person than the PM of Jamaica, the Hon.Bruce Golding M.P. in stark and irreconcilable conflict with the prestigious US law firm, Manatt, Phelps & Phillips in respect of representation made to the US State Department and Justice Department. 

There is a disconnect; dem credit run out.

Clovis' cartoon in the Jamaica Observer speaks volumes.

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